Obama Administration Calls Sexual Orientation Protected Class
Says Defense of Marriage Act is Unconstitutional
In an extraordinary development this morning, Attorney General Eric Holder informed Congress that President Obama and the Justice Department have determined that sexual orientation discrimination should be subjected to heightened scrutiny in U.S. courts. As such, the United States will not defend the Defense of Marriage Act in two recently filed lawsuits, and (astonishingly) the government will urge the federal courts now considering older lawsuits to apply the high legal standard that virtually guarantees a gay rights victory.
Barring some other unexpected thunderbolt, Section Three of the Defense of Marriage Act will not survive this change in legal strategy in the federal appellate courts. But the fate of the bill, and our community’s legal status, will eventually be resolved by the U.S. Supreme Court.
This news is explosive—an historic moment in the history of the GLBT civil rights movement, where progress and setbacks usually follow the pattern of “two steps forward, one step back.” We may yet see a step back, but the President’s decision brought us forward by a mile in an instant.
Here’s a brief history of our federal fight against the 1996 Defense of Marriage Act, specifically our fight against Section Three, which creates a federal definition of marriage as the union of one man and one woman. (Section One of DOMA is its title; Section Two allows each state to maintain its own gay marriage policy.)
In March 2009, the New England-based Gay and Lesbian Advocates and Defenders filed suit in federal court in Boston, charging that Section Three violated the Equal Protection rights of married gay couples in Massachusetts, who were treated differently than their heterosexual neighbors by the U.S. government. The state of Massachusetts filed its own challenge to Section Three based on states’ rights issues and the two cases have proceeded in tandem.
Much to our communal disgust, the Obama administration chose to defend the Defense of Marriage Act using archaic anti-gay arguments in its initial brief. After a major outcry, the government changed its briefing strategy, rejecting overt hostility but continuing to defend DOMA as a legitimate expression of Congress’s desire to maintain the status quo and keep uniformity in the context of a contentious national debate.
The government also argued that the case should be evaluated under the easiest standard of legal review, the “rational basis test,” which requires only that a law be rationally related to a “legitimate” public interest.
This easy standard, which puts the burden of proof on the plaintiff, cannot apply when a fundamental right has been breached. Nor does it apply to an equal protection claim against members of a “suspect class” like race, national origin, gender and religion. In order to make its argument stick, the government cited local precedent for the premise that sexual orientation does not comprise a protected class.
The Supreme Court has never resolved the legal status of gays and lesbians, but the U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit, which includes the Boston area, has previously ruled that gays and lesbians are not a suspect class, and do not qualify for heightened legal scrutiny on this basis.
This precedent added weight to the government’s position. But last November, GLAD and the ACLU filed two more DOMA challenges on behalf of couples from Vermont, Connecticut, New York and New Hampshire. Filed in Connecticut and New York, the cases fall under the jurisdiction of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, where there is no previous ruling on the protected status of gay men and women.
In these cases, the administration would have been required, not simply to fall in line behind established precedent, but to affirmatively argue that sexual orientation does not satisfy the requirements of a suspect class. This, Obama and company have now refused to do. And indeed, the government has gone much further, stating that it is the position of the President and the Justice Department that sexual orientation should indeed be protected, and as such, subjected to a high legal standard.
The government goes on to acknowledge that the Defense of Marriage Act does not pass the higher constitutional tests, which shift the burden of proof to the defendant and which require, in their strictest form, that a law be narrowly tailored to serve a “compelling” public interest.
Holder’s letter, delivered to House Speaker John Boehner, says that the government will be prepared to present the theoretical case for DOMA under the rational basis standard if the courts in the Second Circuit request such a filing. The district judges might do so to cover their bases, but it’s hard to imagine that they or the federal appellate court would actually rule against both the plaintiff couples and the government of the United States. Indeed, the legal arguments against gay rights in this and other contexts are so weak, that it takes the power of the status quo and the weight of the state to tip the scales of justice against logic, reason and the history of American constitutional law.
As for the Massachusetts cases (now on appeal after a gay rights victory at the district court level) Holder wrote that the government will urge the First Circuit to use a high level of scrutiny. Those cases are in the briefing stage, with GLAD’s reply to the government briefs due on March 1. I’m guessing that the Justice Department will issue a supplemental brief, or perhaps use their final brief to expound on suspect class status. Oral arguments will follow in a few months, and the appellate panel would normally rule three to six months after that.
It’s likely that a conservative Congressional faction will hire lawyers to defend the Defense of Marriage Act, but I’m not sure of the procedure for such an intervention. Holder writes that Justice Department attorneys “will also notify the courts of our interest in providing Congress with a full and fair opportunity” to participate in the Second Circuit litigation. And a statement from the Gay and Lesbian Advocates and Defenders indicates that “either chamber may step in and appoint counsel to defend DOMA.”
The deadline to file a motion to dismiss in the Second Circuit area cases is March 11. And while we know the administration will let the deadline lapse, we will soon see who (or what) will attempt to ride to DOMA’s defense. Meanwhile, the Obama administration says it will continue to enforce the Defense of Marriage Act until the law is struck by courts or repealed.
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Speechless in Austin
The impact of Obama’s decision goes well beyond this case or that one. By embracing the use of higher scrutiny for gay rights cases, his administration effectively has switched to our side on any and all gay civil rights cases against the United States from now to the end of his administration.
The implications are staggering, and for all our complaints about the President’s lack of interest or energy in defending gay rights, he has, in one fell swoop, become the fiercest of champions. Only a hard right ruling from the U.S. Supreme Court could block our way, and of course, there lies the fear.
Forgetting about the Second Circuit cases for the time being, I’m unclear as to whether a group of Congressional bad guys can insinuate themselves into the First Circuit lawsuits at this juncture. After all, the administration is still involved as an appellant in the Massachusetts cases, and although they have now pledged to urge a pro-gay ruling, they have not created a vacuum by abandoning their role in the contest.
Assuming we emerge the winner in the First Circuit, the Obama administration would not appeal the result. In theory, marriages in Massachusetts would be then be recognized by the federal government, and I can’t begin to guess how DOMA would be enforced in one section of the country, but not elsewhere.
Would there be a mechanism to bring such an untenable result to the High Court for resolution? Maybe. I don’t know.
As for the Second Circuit cases, assuming Congress is allowed to defend the law, and assuming again we win down the road, there would certainly be an appeal to the High Court and I imagine the justices would have to accept it.
It’s possible the Court could strike DOMA without taking a stand on suspect classifications. But I can’t see Anthony Kennedy agreeing to a dramatically antigay ruling that simultaneously upholds DOMA and denies constitutional protections based on sexual orientation. And if the Court were to agree with Obama on heightened scrutiny, it would be game, set and match.
There’s another option for the federal appellate courts, including the justices, and that is to fall back on a vague type of legal evaluation, sort of a heightened rational basis test, where laws that trample on gay civil rights are given just a little extra attention, but gays are not elevated to a suspect class. If they heard our case today, such a compromise wouldn’t surprise me. But a year or two from now, the looming shadow of history’s future verdict on gay rights may be enough to push Kennedy and maybe Roberts over the edge into a gay version of Brown v Board.
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Lawyers Ask Ninth Circuit To End Stay on Gay Marriages
Just after the Holder letter was released, the lawyers from the Olson Boies team asked the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit to revisit the stay of Judge Vaughn Walker’s August ruling in the Prop 8 case.
As you recall, Judge Walker struck Prop 8 as unconstitutional and ordered marriages be resumed for gay couples in the Golden State. His order was stayed by the Ninth Circuit pending what was supposed to be a speedy appeal.
But it hasn’t been speedy and after last week, we now know that it’s going to drag on for a couple of years. First, the California Supreme Court must address the side issue of whether or not the Prop 8 proponents have standing to represent their side in court under state law. That should take the rest of this year. Then, the Ninth Circuit panel must decide whether or not the proponents have standing to appeal under federal law. There goes another three to six months. After that, who knows what further machinations will extend the case?
Given the delay, our lawyers argue, and given the fact that the Obama administration now believes a federal ban on marriage recognition is unconstitutional, it’s appropriate to reconsider whether or not to put Judge Walker’s order on hold for such a protracted period of time.
Obviously, the Obama administration was not involved in the Prop 8 suit, which was filed against the State of California. So their revised thinking on the level of legal scrutiny that applies to gay rights cases is irrelevant. But then again, it’s not irrelevant, and it will have a profound impact under the surface of many other gay cases that don’t directly involve the federal government.
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In Other News
All in all, it’s been a momentous day.
Lost in the banner headlines is the Hawaii Civil Union bill that now heads to the friendly governor’s desk for signature.
Even more dramatic is the committee vote in the Maryland senate that will send a marriage equality bill to the floor of the senate for a critical vote on Thursday. Marriage equality is expected to pass the House of Delegates if it can make it through the senate. In the senate, we have exactly the 24 votes we need to pass the bill, barring some last minute reversal.
Perhaps you’re wondering why I capitalized House of Delegates, but left senate in regular type. It’s because I generally use lower case for state legislative bodies, but House of Delegates just begs to be capitalized.
At any rate, we can now watch for the other big news that will develop over coming days; to wit the backlash over Obama’s announcement. Will it be muted? Or will it turn into a full-fledged national gay bashing session? Either way, it will be worth watching.
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arostow@aol.com